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Member since Aug '26
Working languages:
English to French Spanish to French Catalan to French Indonesian to French French (monolingual)
This person is not affiliated with any business or Blue Board record at ProZ.com.
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Translation, Interpreting, Editing/proofreading, Voiceover (dubbing), Subtitling, Training, MT post-editing, Transcription, Copywriting, Transcreation, Native speaker conversation, Terminology management, Linguistic validation, AI training
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Specializes in:
LGBTQ
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Medical: Pharmaceuticals
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Law: Patents, Trademarks, Copyright
Also works in:
Botany
Social Science, Sociology, Ethics, etc.
Human rights
IT (Information Technology)
Government / Politics
Environment & Ecology
International Org/Dev/Coop
Psychology
Wine / Oenology / Viticulture
Advertising / Public Relations
Internet, e-Commerce
Computers: Software
History
Zoology
Poetry & Literature
Chemistry; Chem Sci/Eng
Photography/Imaging (& Graphic Arts)
Music
Geography
Telecom(munications)
Computers: Hardware
Gaming/Video-games/E-sports
Computers: Systems, Networks
Electronics / Elect Eng
Medical: Pharmaceuticals
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Open to considering volunteer work for registered non-profit organizations
Rates
General rate: 0.1 EUR per word / 20 EUR per hour
Rates per language pair: English to French - Rates: 0.10 - 0.12 EUR per word / 16 - 20 EUR per hour / 0.20 - 0.30 EUR per audio/video minute Spanish to French - Rates: 0.10 - 0.12 EUR per word / 16 - 20 EUR per hour / 0.20 - 0.30 EUR per audio/video minute Catalan to French - Rates: 0.10 - 0.12 EUR per word / 16 - 20 EUR per hour / 0.20 - 0.30 EUR per audio/video minute Indonesian to French - Rates: 0.10 - 0.12 EUR per word / 16 - 20 EUR per hour / 0.20 - 0.30 EUR per audio/video minute French - Rates: 0.10 - 0.12 EUR per word / 16 - 20 EUR per hour / 0.20 - 0.30 EUR per audio/video minute
Surcharge(s): Rush jobs +5% Complex formatting +5% to +20% Transcreation +1% to +15% Discount(s): High volume -5% to -15% Jobs of low complexity -5% to -10% Repetitions -5% to -10% LM training -5% to -15% Flexible deadline -5% to -15% Minimum charge(s): General minimum charge in EUR: 5.00
English to French: Academic authority, social privilege and conformity: a guide to sabotage your career. General field: Social Sciences Detailed field: Philosophy
Source text - English Academic authority, social privilege and conformity: a guide to sabotage your career.
In this very short essay, I will use critical phenomenology and sociology to highlight how academic authority should be reconsidered as a proof of quality.
I will address privileges in relation to power dynamics in this context, and discuss the notion of Institutionalism and it's effects on individuals.
Finally, I will argue for a critical analysis of " Offical " and " National " labeled sources.
Scholars and academics constitutes an in_group social identity that shows consistent normalization / exclusion ethical rules.
Individuals recognized as members of this group experience the phenomenon of “authority” evaluation from their peers.
Authority can be described as an in_group scale of one's value, validity, and prestige.
The phenomenon has formal properties and uses common markers such as: affiliations, accreditation, H-index and I10-index.
The Authority agentic property is socially desirable; individuals are subjected to conformity pressure and compliance to gain higher social status.
Being a subgroup of the U.S.A-European meta-cultural ensemble, it inherits the systemic social paradigm such as: patriarchy, racism, social classes and aristocracy.
This is reflected in the authority phenomenon: women's, oppressed minorities and lower classes experience higher friction and gate-keeping.
This produces a complex feedback loop where shifting is less likely to occur.
Reciprocally, Authority is a valid status in other power institutions.
The academy is intricate with the State, and there are signs of mutual support and strategies to keep power.
Legitimacy of action and the prescribing of norms is thus kept using self-validation of an institution and mutual cross-validation of institutions.
This might explain why .gov websites are given complete and systematic validation while community driven projects such as Wikipedia - the largest encyclopedia and the largest functional horizontal collective initiative, ever - is qualified as _a priori_ unreliable_,_ despise the internal wide diversity of Wikipedia articles, that has both very bad and very good articles.
In contrast, I will bring to memory of anyone still reading this: the Edward Snowden, Chelsea Manning, and Julian Assange cases, and why it wouldn't be more appropriate in a post Wikileaks era to carefully analyze, review and double check government sources and use critical thinking in the process.
Translation - French Autorité académique, privilège social et conformité : un guide pour saboter votre carrière.
Dans cet essai très court, j'utiliserai la phénoménologie critique et la sociologie pour montrer en quoi l'autorité académique devrait être reconsidérée comme une preuve de qualité.
J'aborderai la question des privilèges au regard des dynamiques de pouvoir dans ce contexte, et je discuterai de la notion d'institutionnalisme et de ses effets sur les individus.
Enfin, je plaiderai en faveur d'une analyse critique des sources étiquetées « officielles » et « nationales ».
Les universitaires et les chercheurs forment un endogroupe, une identité sociale, qui applique de manière systématique des règles éthiques de normalisation et d'exclusion.
Les individus reconnus comme membres de ce groupe subissent le phénomène de l'évaluation par « l'autorité » de la part de leurs pairs.
L'autorité peut être décrite comme une échelle de l'endogroupe mesurant la valeur, la validité et le prestige d'un individu.
Ce phénomène possède des propriétés formelles et recourt à des marqueurs communs tels que les affiliations, l'accréditation, l'indice h et l'indice i10.
La propriété agentique de l'autorité est socialement désirable ; les individus sont soumis à une pression conformiste et à l'obligation de se conformer afin d'accéder à un statut social supérieur.
En tant que sous-groupe de l'ensemble méta-culturel américano-européen, il hérite du paradigme social systémique que constituent le patriarcat, le racisme, les classes sociales et l'aristocratie.
Cela se reflète dans le phénomène d'autorité : les femmes, les minorités opprimées et les classes inférieures y rencontrent davantage de friction et de portes fermées.
Cela produit une boucle de rétroaction complexe où tout changement est moins susceptible de s'opérer.
Réciproquement, l'autorité constitue un statut valide au sein d'autres institutions de pouvoir.
Le monde académique est étroitement lié à l'État, et l'on observe des signes de soutien mutuel ainsi que des stratégies de conservation du pouvoir.
La légitimité d'action et la prescription des normes sont ainsi maintenues par l'auto-validation d'une institution et la validation croisée mutuelle des institutions.
Cela explique peut-être pourquoi les sites .gov se voient accorder une validation complète et systématique, alors que des projets portés par la communauté comme Wikipédia - la plus grande encyclopédie et la plus grande initiative collective horizontale fonctionnelle jamais créée - sont qualifiés d'a priori non fiables, en dépit de la grande diversité interne des articles de Wikipédia, qui sont tantôt très mauvais, tantôt très bons.
En contraste, je rappellerai à quiconque lit encore ces lignes les affaires Edward Snowden, Chelsea Manning et Julian Assange, et pourquoi, à l'ère post-Wikileaks, il ne serait pas superflu d'analyser, de revoir et de vérifier attentivement les sources gouvernementales en y appliquant les méthodes d'esprit critique.
English to French: NATO Is a Warmongering Organization: Class War against War General field: Social Sciences Detailed field: Government / Politics
Source text - English NATO Is a Warmongering Organization: Class War against War
International statement against the NATO summit to be held in Ankara on July 7–8.
From Israel’s ongoing genocidal policies against Palestine to the devastation caused by the war in Syria that has been continuing for years, and the escalating regional tensions fueled by U.S. and Israel’s attacks on Iran, West Asia has today turned into a battleground where imperialist competition has intensified. This picture reflects not only regional conflicts but also the crisis of the global capitalist order.
Under these conditions, it is no coincidence that the 36th NATO Summit will be held in Ankara on July 7–8. NATO, which has played an active role in interventions stretching from Palestine to Afghanistan, from Libya to Syria and Kurdistan, continues to function as one of the fundamental tools of imperialist power relations and the militarist order. The fact that Turkey is hosting this summit clearly illustrates the position of the country’s ruling classes within this war system.
Despite all the differences in rhetoric, Turkey’s ruling class is not outside this order of war. While on the one hand “peace” and “opposition” rhetoric is produced, on the other hand NATO membership is maintained, military cooperation is intensified, and active integration into regional imperialist strategies is pursued. The contradiction between the rhetorical opposition to Israel and the ongoing economic and military relations is, indeed, merely a manifestation of the same class interests. Therefore, for us, the struggle against NATO is not a matter of national defense; it is a front in the attack on capitalism and the bourgeoisie.
From the perspective of us workers, both NATO and the other capitalist blocs competing with it such as Iran, Russia, China etc. are parts of the same system of exploitation. Aligning workers behind any of these powers means reserving them for the reproduction of their own exploitative relations. For this reason, the struggle against NATO is not merely a struggle against a military alliance, but a class struggle waged directly against the capitalist system of war.
This struggle also necessitates an internationalist line. Workers, youth, and all the oppressed share a common interest in opposing nationalism, militarism, war policies, and patriarchy. The fate of all workers in Palestine, Syria, Iran, Turkey, Kurdistan, and all over the world is intertwined; borders are ideological lines that conceal these exploitative relations. With this understanding, we must raise international solidarity against nationalism, militarism, and war policies everywhere in the world.
For this reason, we are raising our voices against the NATO summit to be held in Ankara. We call on workers, youth, women, queer people, and all anti-war advocates to strengthen the struggle against militarism, imperialist interventions, and the capitalist order of war.
Our side is neither NATO nor the other dominant powers opposing it. Our side is the possibility for common liberation of all workers in the world.
No to NATO!
Class War Against War!
Translation - French L'OTAN est une organisation belliciste : lutte de classe contre la guerre
Communiqué international contre le sommet de l'OTAN qui se tiendra à Ankara les 7 et 8 juillet.
De la politique génocidaire actuelle d'Israël envers la Palestine à la dévastation causée par la guerre en Syrie qui perdure depuis des années, en passant par l'escalade des tensions régionales alimentée par les attaques des États-Unis et d'Israël contre l'Iran, l'Asie de l'Ouest est devenue un champ de bataille où la compétition impérialiste s'est intensifiée. Ce tableau ne reflète pas seulement les conflits à l'échelle régionale, mais également la crise du capitalisme mondial.
Vu les circonstances, ce n'est pas un hasard si le 36e sommet de l'OTAN se tiendra à Ankara les 7 et 8 juillet. L'OTAN, qui a joué un rôle actif dans les interventions depuis la Palestine jusqu'à l'Afghanistan, la Libye, la Syrie et le Kurdistan, continue de fonctionner comme un outil fondamental des dynamiques de pouvoir impérialistes et de l'ordre militariste. Le fait que la Turquie accueille ce sommet illustre clairement la position des classes dirigeantes du pays au sein de ce système belliqueux.
Malgré les différences rhétoriques, la classe dirigeante turque ne se situe pas en dehors de cet ordre de guerre.
Si elle produit d'un côté un discours de "paix" et d'"opposition", de l'autre, elle maintient son adhésion à l'OTAN et intensifie sa coopération militaire avec une intégration active dans les stratégies impérialistes régionales. La contradiction entre l'opposition verbale à Israël et les relations économiques et militaires en cours est, en effet, une simple manifestation des mêmes intérêts de classe. Par conséquent, pour nous, la lutte contre l'OTAN n'est pas une question de défense nationale ; c'est une ligne de front dans l'offensive contre le capitalisme et la bourgeoisie.
De notre point de vue, celui des travailleurs, l'OTAN et les autres blocs capitalistes qui lui font concurrence tels que l'Iran, la Russie, la Chine, etc. font partie du même système d'exploitation. Ranger les travailleurs derrière l'une de ces puissances revient à les vouer à la reproduction de leurs propres rapports d'exploitation. C'est pour cette raison que la lutte contre l'OTAN n'est pas simplement une lutte contre une alliance militaire, mais une lutte de classe menée directement contre le système guerrier capitaliste.
Cette lutte exige également une ligne internationaliste. Les travailleurs, la jeunesse et tous les opprimés ont un intérêt commun à s'opposer au nationalisme, au militarisme, aux politiques bellicistes et au patriarcat. Le sort de l'ensemble des travailleurs de Palestine, de Syrie, d'Iran, de Turquie, du Kurdistan et de partout dans le monde est intimement lié. Les frontières sont des lignes idéologiques qui dissimulent les rapports d'exploitation. Forts de cette analyse de la situation, nous devons élargir la solidarité internationale contre le nationalisme, le militarisme et les politiques de guerre partout dans le monde.
Pour cette raison, nous élevons nos voix contre le sommet de l'OTAN qui doit se tenir à Ankara. Nous appelons les travailleurs, la jeunesse, les femmes, les personnes queer et l'ensemble des militants anti-guerre à renforcer la lutte contre le militarisme, les interventions impérialistes et l'ordre guerrier capitaliste.
Nous ne sommes ni dans le camp de l'OTAN ni dans celui des autres puissances dominantes qui s'y opposent. Notre camp est celui de la possibilité d'une libération commune de tous les travailleurs du monde.
Non à l'OTAN !
Guerre de classe contre la guerre !
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Translation education
Other - self-taught
Experience
Years of experience: 7. Registered at ProZ.com: Jul 2025. Became a member: Aug 2026.
English to French (EF Standard English Test) English (EF Standard English Test, verified) English (Saylor Academy (Advanced English as a Second Language), verified)
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Translators Without Borders
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Skills and Tools mastery: OmegaT, Termsoup, CafeTran, Pastey, LanguageTools, Localize, Phrase TMS, Voyant Tools, Weblate (cloud AND self-hosted), Antidote, Goldendict, Stardict. Technical I.T skills: Docker, Docker-compose, Linux and Windows System Administration. Programming : Bash, Fish, Javascript, Typescript, Python, HTML, R, Powershell, Jupyter Notebook. Data visualisation, NLP with R and Python. Various useful skills : FL Studio, Audio recording processing and mastering, sound engineering. Video edit, video capture, subtitling, dubbing. ------------------------- I work between French and English in contexts where terminological precision and register accuracy are non-negotiable: political texts , contentious social issues , technical documentation , data privacy , disinformation , and ethics . I have a solid mastery of maritime terminology and colloquial register , gained through my career in the French Merchant Navy. I try not to provide a mechanical translation. To me, translating, localizing, transcreating are, within digital humanities, an epistemic requirement of the act of contributing to Open Access, Free Knowledge, and Open Sources. In that sense, my volunteer work on Wikipedia , the Mozilla Foundation , and Translators Without Borders belongs to a intellectual commons, of which translation is but one stage from creation to archiving. I try to keep it discreet in the text, but bold in the action. These linguistic skills are also pragmatic ones: an eight-month immersion in the United States in 2019, after two years in Indonesia , Cambodia, and Malaysia between 2016 and 2018, then a year in Poland in 2021. It is this linguistic contact, and these fertile frictions with distinct socio-linguistic realities, that built the bedrock on which rest my skills as a cultural mediator and carrier of meaning. The mere transfer of words does not translate the epistemic force of a discourse formed of complex semiotic ensembles. I effect the passage from one frame of reference to another, and try to grasp its emergence while keeping ethics , dignity , and privacy as my central values .
Member since Aug '26
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